By KEITH BRADSHER
ONEPAT, India — Raj K. Gupta, a partner in
one of India's largest shoe manufacturers, makes a dreaded but necessary trip every
two months to Hong Kong and then into Guangdong Province in southern China.
He goes to buy Chinese shoemaking
machinery, because India has few producers of such machinery.
He goes to purchase Chinese
synthetic leather, because India makes little of the material and most of that
is of low quality.
He goes to visit Chinese shoe
factories, to draw lessons from their enormous size, advanced technology and
highly organized operations.
When he is done, after eating too
much Chinese food, which he dislikes, he flies home and thinks about how India,
despite democracy, has fallen behind China, a one-party state struggling with
the aftermath of Communist economic policies.
"If we were more developed
here I wouldn't have to go so much," he groused, sitting in his office,
where incense burned in a corner before a group of paintings and statues of
Hindu gods. "We should have that kind of technology, both for our
international competitiveness and for our domestic market."
India's continued backwardness
compared with its neighbor across the Himalayas has become a national
obsession. The world's two most populous countries, China and India were close
economic rivals just two decades ago, each struggling to bring progress to vast
numbers of impoverished peasants.
But now China, by quickly
converting much of its economy to an unfettered and even rapacious version of
capitalism, has surged far ahead. The average Chinese citizen now earns $890 a
year, compared with $460 for the typical Indian, according to the World Bank.
Only slightly more numerous than
Indians these days, Chinese citizens now buy one-third more cars and light
trucks each year, 3 times as many television sets and 12 times as many air
conditioners. China has high-speed freeways, modern airports and highly efficient
ports that are helping it dominate a growing number of manufacturing
industries.
India's potholed roads, aging
airports and clogged ports make exports difficult. China attracted as much
foreign investment last month as India did all of last year.
Some blame India's lagging
performance on the country's still stifling bureaucracy, although many
market-limiting regulations have been lifted since New Delhi began dismantling
its "license raj" in 1991.
Some blame the country's cultural
and religious traditions, contending that a national thirst for economic
equality may have stunted progress. Some even maintain that a democracy may be
less able than an authoritarian government to promote growth in a poor country.
Like China, India has a growing
middle class — it is just not growing as quickly, perhaps in part because
India's expansion started in 1991, 13 years after China's.
The Chinese economy has been
expanding by 8 to 10 percent a year for the last two decades, while India's has
been growing at a still healthy 6 percent only for the last decade. India's
population is growing twice as fast as China's, moreover, so income growth per
person has been slower in India.
Both countries are encumbered by
many government-owned enterprises with low productivity — for India, most
notably, its monopoly on distribution of electricity.
The Indian economy has a few
genuine bright spots. Pockets of high-tech prosperity have popped up in two
southern cities, Bangalore and Hyderabad.
These have benefited from India's
willingness to allow free trade and minimal regulation for new industries,
often involving computer software, telephone service centers for financial
institutions and other service industries that do not involve moving goods on
India's poor roads.
But success stories like Bangalore
and Hyderabad remain a tiny part of the overall economy, because software
companies hire workers by the hundreds and not by the tens of thousands, as
manufacturers do.
"You look around and the rest is a disaster," said Joydeep Mukherji, an Asia analyst with Standard & Poor's. "One billion people are not going to be programming computers; they're going to be making shoes and cars, and serving coffee."
Indian shoe companies had as much
cheap labor available two decades ago as Chinese companies, and workers here
were better educated. Yet Chinese manufacturers increasingly dominate the
global shoe market. "In the shoe industry, China has gotten ahead and will
stay ahead," said Martin Merz, a partner in NJB Merz Ltd., a shoe company
in Hong Kong.
Mr. Gupta and his family control
the Action Group, India's second-largest shoemaker, after Bata. But the newest
of Action's dozen factories, next to a dirt road across the city line in New
Delhi, is unlikely to inspire fear in foreign competitors. The cramped building
has room for just 150 workers, not enough to achieve the economies of scale of
Chinese factories, where up to 20,000 toil in a single complex.
Mr. Gupta said local regulations
prevented him from building anything bigger. Particularly onerous are laws
limiting how much land a company can acquire in a city. The laws are intended
to discourage speculation and leave land available for housing, but they make
land expensive for new business ventures.
To walk inside the dimly lit
factory on a recent morning was to enter a pungent cloud of glue vapor rising
from the open pots and brushes that the workers use in assembling shoes. A. K.
Sharma, the factory manager, explained that the factory's ventilation had been
switched off because of an electricity blackout.
The factory had been running for
the last three days on diesel generators, at more than twice the cost of using
electricity from the municipal grid; another factory here in Sonepat runs an
hour or two on generators every day because of blackouts.
Power failures are rare in the
Chinese province of Guangdong, where domestic and foreign companies have
invested heavily in power plants, but they are a regular occurrence here. Yet
Mr. Gupta had to build his latest factory in the city because electricity was
not available at all in many rural areas.
Stacked in the basement are rows
of large boxes, each holding dozens of pairs of shoes. Scribbled in purple pen
on the sides are the size, style and color of each box's contents. There are no
computer-printed labels, and shoe stores in India do not expect them, Mr.
Sharma explained.
The boxes, next to many sacks of
raw materials, signal another problem. The factory keeps a two-month supply of
raw materials and a one-month supply of finished shoes, a huge inventory tying
up money that could otherwise be invested in modern machinery. By contrast,
Chinese factories keep small inventories, because they receive regular
deliveries of raw materials from nearby suppliers and ship finished goods
easily on smooth highways to efficient ports like Hong Kong's.
The minimum wage for urban
industrial work here is $3 a day. While fairly high by the standards of very
poor countries, it is lower than the wages in Guangdong, where competition for
skilled shoemakers has pushed up pay.
Some changes are starting to
appear here. Construction has begun on new freeways. A quarter of India's
states have repealed laws limiting business ownership of land in cities. The
central government is mulling whether to allow private distribution of
electricity, a step that could bring the investment needed to make blackouts
less common.
India is starting to lower its 35
percent tariffs on a wide range of goods, including shoes, forcing producers to
compete internationally. Mr. Gupta said he was unconcerned, because tariffs
will also fall for imported shoemaking machinery and because he believes that
Indian workers make higher-quality shoes.
Indeed, the Gupta family's latest
project has little to do with shoes, reflecting instead the human values and
limited interest in the global market that still characterize many Indian
businesses.
Comfortable with its share of the
domestic market and not eager to increase the 3 percent of production that it
exports, the family is donating $9 million for the construction of a
five-building, state-of-the-art, nonprofit hospital to care for the poor.
While an American family might
seek as large a business empire as possible, Mr. Gupta said, his family is more
interested in public service.
"What would we have done with
that empire?" he asked. "It's a matter of thinking."
The New York Times